THE STRAIT OF GIBRALTAR: A NEW WALL OF SHAME
Immigration is a recent phenomenon in Spain. Until 1974 Spanish emigrants outnumbered immigrants. At that time, Spain offered no work opportunities. But democratisation and the gradual integration into the European Community led to an era of economic expansion, and with most European states hardening their immigration policies, Spain soon became one of the last countries open to immigration and was soon considered a springboard for immigrants heading for Northern Europe. In recent years, however, the government has sought to "harmonise" its immigration policy with the other EU-member states. Ever since, illegal immigration has increased and the Strait of Gibraltar has become a regular scene of human tragedies.
Now Spain has become a country of immigration. The total number of foreigners amounts to 600,000, i.e. 1.5 per cent of the population. Between 10 and 15 per cent of immigrants come from Morocco. Until 1990, the Moroccan government, in an effort to prove its willingness to co-operate as a responsible partner with the European states in curbing immigration, tried to prevent its citizens from emigrating by rendering it difficult to obtain a passport. But in 1990, the rules were eased in an obvious attempt to shift the problem to the EC. By doing so, the Moroccan government used its emigrants both as a major source of national income and a means of exerting pressure in bargaining with the EC. In May 1991, Spain introduced a visa obligation for North African countries and thus became the southern "gatekeeper" of the EC.
Ever since, illegal immigration has increased rapidly, in spite of an impressive policing structure set up by the government in order to stop the flow. The smuggling of immigrants to Spain has given rise to unscrupulous mafia activity. Illegal immigrants arrive in "pateras", small, boats (five metres long and two metres wide), often packed with 20 - 40 people. The fare is the equivalent to 10,000 French francs per person. Among the smugglers there are real professionals and swindlers. The professionals know the whole Spanish coast like the back of their hands. They are capable of evading radar surveillance by zigzagging and navigating behind large fishing boats, and usually safely disembark their passengers on a remote beach.
As the point where the Atlantic meets the Mediterranean, the Strait of Gibraltar is a dangerous zone for navigation. Strong currents and winds are frequent. The small, overloaded "pateras" often succumb to heavy seas.
Since 1988, around a thousand people have drowned. Many of them are black Africans who have never learned to swim. Some smugglers also "drop" their passengers before arriving at the coast, in order to reduce the risk of being discovered. On 7 February 1992, 300 persons arrived at the coast of Almeria in two boats.
Recently, however, as a result of ever more intense coast-guard activities, only few small boats still manage to leave Morocco.
Would-be immigrants therefore pay twice the fare in bribes (20,000 French francs) to sailors and port employees to make the passage as clandestine passengers on large merchant vessels or ferries. If discovered by the police in Algericas, they are sent back to Morocco, where they are detained. But many try again. After release from detention, nobody can stop them saving up for a new attempt. The "rule of silence" is still alive in Morocco.
In accordance with a treaty agreed between King Hassan II and the EC, any person trying to cross the Strait illegally can be punished. Pending trial, the accused are held in the former bull-fighting arena at Tanger. Among others, the Catholic bishop of the port city, a Spanish Franciscan, has denounced the conditions of detention in the arena. Detainees' lives were endangered because of permanent hunger and dehydration, the bishop said. Meanwhile Human Rights organisations have presented a report on the situation in the camp to the European parliament.
Legal emigration through application for a work permit in a foreign country at the Moroccan Office of Employment has become all but impossible. There is a waiting list of 3,000. The official at the entrance of the office demands 1,000 dirhams per person and the official making the documents issuing the document demands additional 1,000 dirhams.
After introducing the visa obligation, the Spanish government decided to legalise restricted immigration by establishing a quota determined each year by the government according to the state of the labour market. Last year, the quota was set at 24,000 permits, mostly for seasonal workers in the agricultural and domestic work sectors. The news of the new quota regulation provoked a run on Spanish consulates in Rabat, Tanger and Casablanca. Riot police were called in to disperse the crowds.
In 1991, the tense situation created by increasing illegal immigration and growing pressure from immigrant associations resulted in the Spanish government initiating a process of regularisation, between 10 June and 10 December. Applicants, however, had to present a work pre-contract as a pre-requisite for obtaining a residence and a work permit. Swindlers and unscrupulous entrepreneurs soon took advantage of this by selling pre-contracts for a sum equivalent to 5,000 French francs.
Thus, in contrast to Italy, where a similar form of amnesty was granted without any obligation other than presenting a passport, the Spanish requirement of a six month work precontract is causing anguish among many immigrants working as seasonal workers and for all kinds of more or less dubious businessmen.
In mid March, the Spanish media reported the death of 12 Moroccans who had tried to cross the Strait in a rubber dinghy. The two only survivors were immediately sent back to Morocco. This was the end of a tragic journey that had cost each traveller 5,000 French francs.
Many observers believe that illegal immigration is likely to continue, if not increase, because of common Moroccan and Spanish interests. In Spain, agriculture has expanded rapidly within the last ten years. Today, the same Spanish farmers who, not so long ago, experienced the hardships of immigration as grapepickers in France are subjecting North Africans to the same situation for the simple reason that the price of the native agricultural work force is high.
Diamantino Garcia, a co-founder of SOC, a union-based movement of landless agricultural labourers in Andalusia, and president of the Sevilla Human Rights Association, is worried about future trends. In Andalusia, unemployment is running at 34 per cent and Garcia fears that this might soon lead to serious tensions between unemployed Spaniards and clandestine immigrant workers.
Ascension Uriarte
Sources: ImmigraciXXf3n magrebXXed en España, el retorno de los moriscos, Bernabé LXXf3pez, colecciones Mapfre, 1992; Dormir al raso, M. el Gheryb and P. Moreno Torregosa, ediciones Vosa; interview with Diamantino Garcia, SOC, Sevilla.